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01/06/2026

Monday Money Talk with Noel Whittaker

Today I’m going to give you a refresher course on how capital gains tax (CGT) works. Understanding it could save you heaps. Sadly, despite it involving one of the largest amounts of money you could pay in your lifetime, most people don’t understand how the CGT system works.
CGT is the tax you pay when you sell an investment asset, such as property or shares, that has gone up in value since you bought it. It's important to get expert advice, because the dates are critical. Under existing law, your profit (which is your taxable capital gain) is halved — that's the 50% discount — provided you have held the asset for at least a year and a day. And the relevant date for CGT calculations is the sale contract date, not the date of settlement.
There is currently no special rate of tax on capital gains. The taxable capital gain, after adjustment for the discount, is simply added to your taxable income in the year the contract was signed. How much tax you pay then depends on what the rest of your taxable income is. That's why this column is timely, given we're now only about a month away from 30 June.
One way to reduce CGT is to time the sale for a year when your taxable income is likely to be lower. A common example is selling an investment property in the year after you retire. Another strategy is to make tax-deductible superannuation contributions, including catch-up concessional contributions where available.
CASE STUDY Jack and Jill are in their early 70s and do not receive the age pension because the investment property they own is worth $1.2 million, which takes them over the assets test cut-off. Jack has $700,000 in super and Jill has $200,000 in super. Given their ages and the latest kerfuffle about CGT changes, they consider biting the bullet and selling the property now. Their only concern is CGT.
But they get a pleasant surprise when their financial adviser tells them they may be eligible to make tax-deductible catch-up superannuation contributions. These are contributions designed to compensate people for concessional contributions that their employer, or they themselves, did not make in previous years. Neither has made any deductible contributions since retiring at 65, so each may be eligible to make tax-deductible contributions of up to $175,000 in the next financial year. This is made up of $142,500 in catch-up contributions, plus $32,500, which is the standard concessional contribution cap for next financial year.
There are two important criteria that Jack and Jill must meet. Their total superannuation balance at the previous 30 June must be under $500,000, and they must be able to pass the work test to make deductible contributions between ages 67 and 75. This involves working 40 hours in 30 consecutive days in the financial year they make the contribution.
This is where the planning and advice come in. On their adviser's advice, Jack withdraws $250,000 from his super before 30 June 2026 and contributes it to his wife's super as a non-concessional contribution. Neither the withdrawal nor the deposit has any tax implications. As a result, their superannuation balances at 30 June become $450,000 each. They have now passed the first test.
Some people get a bit shy about the work test. But Jack and Jill are from the vintage where people are used to coping and making the best of what they have. Both feel there would be no trouble at all getting some sort of part-time work to qualify, given the size of the sum involved. They could get some work through Grey Army, drive for Uber or work at Bunnings.
Let's do the calculations. The property cost $500,000, which means the capital gain will be around $700,000 if they achieve close to $1.2 million for it. They qualify for the 50% CGT discount, which reduces the taxable capital gain to $350,000. That means $175,000 will be added to the taxable income of each of them in the year the contract is signed.
They then make tax-deductible superannuation contributions of up to $175,000 each, which is taxed at 15% within their super funds. Their taxable income drops to zero and the CGT liability effectively disappears. All they need to do now is give notice to their super fund that they intend to claim a tax deduction for the contributions. Their adviser will help them with the fine-tuning, because there is no point making a tax deduction that takes taxable income below $18,200, where the zero-tax threshold ends. The purpose of this example is to show you what is possible, and the importance of getting advice and planning early.
Over the next two years, many people with investment assets will be taking advice, reviewing their affairs and deciding whether to bite the bullet and sell before 30 June 2027, when the CGT rules are proposed to change. But tax is only part of the equation. The bigger question is what you would do with the proceeds, and whether the asset still has strong long-term potential.
The proposed changes also make superannuation even more attractive from a tax perspective. If access before age 60 is not an issue, super may become one of the best long-term homes for investment money. Just remember that your balance each 30 June affects your ability to make future after-tax contributions.
If you have owned an asset for a long time, keeping it after 30 June 2027 may still make good sense if it is a quality asset, because the capital gain is apportioned over the entire ownership period, and the portion caught under the new rules may not be significant. Once again, this is an area where expert advice and careful planning could save you a fortune.

29/05/2026

Download PDF       Unused contributions are those left over from previous years when you and your employer did not use up your concessional contribution cap for that year.  They can be used to allow you to make tax deductible superannuation contributions up to more than just your concessional ...

25/05/2026

Monday Money Talk with Noel Whittaker

Economics often comes down to one brutally simple principle: supply and demand. When demand exceeds supply, prices rise, queues form and shortages emerge. We see it in housing, childcare and electricity. Now we are watching the same slow-motion train wreck unfold in aged care.
Australia’s oldest baby boomers turn 80 this year. For the next decade, about 80,000 Australians will turn 80 every year. That matters because the need for health and aged care services explodes in our late seventies and eighties. More people need home care. More need help with meals, transport and medication. More will eventually require residential aged care. None of this is a surprise. Governments have known this wave was coming for decades, yet Australia still rations aged care services while pretending the system is coping.
On paper, the Budget announcements sound reassuring. The government says it is delivering 32,000 additional Support at Home places in the coming financial year, on top of 83,000 places by the end of this financial year. That would bring the total number of Australians receiving support to 420,000 by 30 June 2027. To the casual observer, those numbers sound enormous.
But today around 200,000 older Australians are already waiting for home care services. These are not future applicants. These are people who have been assessed as needing care right now, or who are awaiting assessment. Some are waiting for basic domestic help. Others need assistance with showering, dressing or medication. The average wait is close to a year. In the meantime, families are left to carry the burden while juggling work, finances and their own health problems.
A recent call to an ABC talkback program says it all. The caller’s father had been stuck in a hospital bed for weeks. After battling through mountains of paperwork, the caller finally got the news she had been praying for — he had been approved for residential aged care. She was ecstatic. Then came the crushing blow: “Yes, his need for care is approved, but there are no places. It may be nine months or more before we can admit him.”
That neatly sums up the crisis. Even if 420,000 Australians are receiving Support at Home services by 30 June 2027, Treasury figures suggest there could still be 37,000 people waiting — unless packages are freed up because recipients either move into residential care or die. And the demographic wave keeps growing. About 80,000 Australians turn 80 every year. Even if only half need support — probably optimistic — by 30 June 2027 we could still have 117,000 Australians needing care and waiting for it. The arithmetic is merciless. Demand is growing far faster than supply.
When governments ration services in a market where demand exceeds supply, queues are inevitable. That is exactly what is happening in aged care. Waiting times for residential care are now around a year as well. Families and friends are forced to fill the gaps. Hospital beds are clogged with older patients who cannot safely return home but cannot access aged care either.
Last year the government lifted the market price cap for aged care accommodation from $550,000 to $750,000 so providers could build new facilities and modernise old ones. But it did not equally increase funding for financially disadvantaged residents. Providers could effectively receive accommodation funding based on $750,000 from wealthier residents, while support for low-means residents was closer to $300,000. For many providers, especially not-for-profits, the economics quickly became ugly. Some openly warned they could not continue taking large numbers of financially disadvantaged residents because the funding gap was simply too large.
The Budget throws money at the problem—increasing the accommodation supplement for homes with high numbers of low-means residents. Some homes may eventually get support equivalent to about $580,000. But here's the rub: the extra funding doesn't start until March 2028. And even then? It still falls $170,000 short of the indexed $750,000 market cap.
Too little. Too late. Problem not solved.
________________________________________
Governments are trying to walk a political tightrope. Taxpayers want quality care for older Australians, but they also want lower taxes and affordable budgets. Politicians therefore ration services while reassuring voters that everything is under control. But rationing never removes demand. It simply shifts the burden elsewhere. Families provide unpaid care. Older Australians pay privately while waiting for support. Hospitals become overflow accommodation. State governments wear the cost through longer hospital stays and rising health spending.
If aged care is rationed, surely priority should go to those with the fewest other options. The government will be asking why should millionaires receive subsidised home care when many older Australians cannot afford to buy private care and are stuck waiting for support? Residential aged care is already enormously expensive, particularly for people with high clinical needs, and those costs will keep climbing as the population ages. If governments continue to limit the number of places, tighter means testing may eventually become unavoidable.
This challenge will dominate for at least the next 20 years. But there is another issue almost nobody wants to discuss. What happens after the baby boomers pass through the system? Demographics are cyclical. Eventually demand will fall, and it may fall sharply. If governments and providers build tens of thousands of extra aged care beds now, what happens when occupancy rates decline decades from today? Providers are being asked to invest billions into facilities that may face completely different demand dynamics in 20 or 30 years’ time.
Economics always comes back to supply and demand. Australia’s aged care crisis is not happening because we failed to predict demand. It is happening because we predicted it perfectly — and still chose to ration supply.

20/05/2026

SPECIAL BUDGET EDITION “Any government that promisesto rob Peter to pay Paul can alwaysdepend on the support of Paul.” GEORGE BERNARD SHAW Last Tuesday night, Treasurer Jim Chalmers handed down one of the most unpopular budgets in Australia’s history. He claimed the Budget was about fixing int...

19/05/2026

Download PDF What is a developing country?       Bhutan has a maximum speed limit of 60kmph, most of the time you are lucky to be able to do 30kmph.  The roads are narrow, steep, windy, shared with pedestrians, horses, cows, dogs, yaks, monkeys and occasionally the toddler children of road wor...

18/05/2026

Monday Money Talk with Noel Whittaker

Treasurer Jim Chalmers claims his Budget is about fixing intergenerational inequality and making housing more affordable for first-home buyers. Tell him he’s dreaming. For starters, the term “intergenerational inequality” is a social construct dreamed up by Labor to create a whole new class of victims they can encourage to vote for them. Yes, young people have challenges, as young people always have, but so do older Australians.
As for affordable housing, it is fast becoming a pipe dream. Even the Budget papers forecast housing prices will rise by 4% over the next year. A tax cut worth roughly $50 a week for younger workers is hardly going to help much when mortgage repayments keep climbing as interest rates rise. There also seems to be an assumption that the best way to increase housing supply is to make investing in residential property by individuals as unattractive as possible. Clearly, they have never heard the adage: “Money flows to where it’s treated best.”
Anybody who has seen the brilliant ABC series Utopia knows how modern government works. The priorities are the quick fix and the political sugar hit, while long-term consequences are either ignored completely or kicked down the road for somebody else to deal with. Too often, policy is built around the next news cycle rather than the next generation.
Picture a make-believe Cabinet meeting during a crisis where somebody says: “People are hurting. Let’s cut fuel excise and give everyone 30 cents a litre relief.” A wise prime minister might reply: “Do we really want to borrow another $3 billion for a temporary feel-good measure while pushing the national debt even higher? Perhaps Australians should simply weather this one themselves.” But that’s not how modern politics works: borrowing money to buy votes has become the norm. Only debt never disappears, it gets handed to the next generation with interest attached.
That’s the real intergenerational inequality, and it has been building for years, with COVID pouring petrol on the fire. Morrison panicked, the Reserve Bank slashed interest rates to emergency levels and Canberra spent money as though there was no tomorrow. JobSeeker became so generous that hospitality businesses complained staff were better off staying home than returning to work.
Ultra-cheap money and massive government spending created the perfect inflationary storm. House prices exploded, wages failed to keep up, and younger Australians were left trying to save a deposit while competing against a flood of cheap money. We are still paying the price today.
One of the biggest reasons for the jump in housing prices has been the endless stream of government incentives for first-home buyers. Allowing people to borrow with a 5% deposit, avoid mortgage insurance and qualify more easily for a loan pushed prices even higher. More interest rate rises could easily push some recent borrowers over the edge and force sales, which would finally start to put a brake on the market. Every rate rise also reduces borrowing capacity and therefore acts as its own brake on prices.
The housing market has always been about supply and demand and, now that changes to capital gains tax and negative gearing are looming, it is not hard to work out what happens next. Anyone currently negatively gearing an investment property will be reluctant to sell, while anybody sitting on a large, unrealised capital gain will be equally reluctant to let go. The result will be fewer properties for sale, tighter rental markets and higher rents, which always hit the most vulnerable hardest.
What many people fail to understand is that the real key to success in property is buying well, ideally by purchasing an undervalued property from a motivated seller and then adding value over time. In today’s market, with soaring construction costs and chronic shortages of labour and materials, only a very brave investor would build a new property. In many cases, the only realistic option is a house in a giant cookie-cutter estate where every second property looks the same.
Obviously, a better choice for a would-be property investor is to buy an older, established home in an up-and-coming area and hope the location will drive future value. But here’s the problem: to add value, repairs and improvements are often needed. If negative gearing on established properties disappears, those repairs will have to be funded from after-tax dollars, with the owner praying they will recover the benefit years later through capital growth. Who in their right mind would do this? I predict fewer investors, fewer rental properties and higher rents, with poorer Australians once again wearing the pain.
It will also be a bonanza for property spruikers, whose pitch never changes: cash in the bank is useless, shares and superannuation can’t be trusted, so the only safe investment is property. Thanks to the new rules, the only way to obtain negative gearing benefits now is to buy a new property and, conveniently, the spruiker has one ready to go. The inexperienced investor is now on the hook. The spruiker organises the finance, the paperwork and, if you are short of cash, may even encourage you to start a self-managed super fund and roll your super into the deal, which is one of the fastest ways imaginable to destroy your retirement savings and financial future.
The budget gives us a look into the government's real priorities. Nothing for poorer older people who rent and are not allowed to earn much money working, because of the way the Centrelink rules are arranged. But they're happy to allocate $50.4 million in 2026–27 to continue to support the prosecution of war crimes alleged to have been committed by the Australian soldiers in Afghanistan.
Australia is still the “banana republic” Paul Keating warned about in 1986, where government revenues and national income remain heavily dependent on commodity prices we do not control, so the easiest and most effective way to improve intergenerational equity is not to dream up more spending programs whenever commodity prices surge, but to use the windfall revenue to pay down debt before the next crisis arrives.
The Treasurer says this Budget is about responsibility, productivity and fairness. Fine words, but the reality looks very different. The headline measures are attacks on negative gearing, higher taxes on capital gains and yet another round of government spending dressed up as reform. Yes, the deficits are slightly smaller, but that has far more to do with windfall revenue flowing into Treasury coffers than genuine fiscal discipline or tough decisions by government.
At the very time the Reserve Bank is trying to crush inflation and bring spending under control, this Budget continues pumping money into the economy, which simply makes the RBA’s job harder and increases the risk that interest rates stay higher for longer. Younger Australians trying to buy homes will ultimately pay the price through larger mortgage repayments.
The bigger problem is structural. Government spending keeps rising, deficits are forecast for years ahead, and national debt continues climbing with barely any discussion about how it will be repaid. Canberra now behaves as though borrowed money is normal, permanent and without consequences, though every extra dollar of debt pushes the burden onto future taxpayers.
This is not genuine tax reform. It is largely a tax grab with a fancy label attached. Real reform would simplify the tax system, reduce red tape, encourage investment and improve productivity. Instead, we get more complexity, more regulation and more disincentives for people prepared to take risks, employ staff or invest their own capital.
The sad reality is that Australia increasingly punishes risk-taking, rewards bureaucracy and talks endlessly about productivity while doing very little to actually improve it. And this budget offers more of the same.

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